Terror Attacks : From the Zealots to Bin Laden (True Crime) by Anne Williams, Vivian Head Page A
Authors: Anne Williams, Vivian Head
Tags: nonfiction
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the home of Harrison Gray Otis. A third bomb was found at the home of the secretary of the Merchants and Manufacturers Association, but the experts managed to diffuse the third bomb before it caused any damage.
The police were sure that the bombings were the work of one specific group, and Otis himself blamed organized labour and dubbed it ‘The Crime of the Century’. Organized labour retaliated by blaming Otis, asking, ‘Are his own hands clean?’ The President of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) denied any participation by their union in the tragedy, arguing that urban terrorism would actually do labour’s cause more harm than good.
William J. Burns, a famous detective, was hired to make a full investigation. Going on a hunch, Burns was led to the International Association of Bridge and Structural Iron Workers (BSIW), which was located in Indianapolis, Indiana. Suspecting the union’s secretary, John J. McNamara, Burns set up a trap in a Detroit hotel on April 12, 1912. His ploy worked and he arrested McNamara, his brother James, and another accomplice by the name of Ortie McManigal. In a suitcase owned by McManigal, Burns had discovered guns and six lock mechanisms, which were similar to the type used in the Los Angeles bombing. McManigal became the key witness and Burns succeeded in personally turning him against the McNamara brothers. Burns had McManigal secretly transported to Chicago, where he confessed that he had been hired by John McNamara to plant dynamite at dozens of anti-union work sites around the country, and that the Times bombing was the work of John’s brother, James. The brothers were subsequently arrested and charged with murdering the 21 workers at the Los Angeles Times.
This sparked off an outrage as many people believed that it was just another attempt at damaging the reputation of the trade union movement, which was starting to gain strength. Clarence Darrow, an eminent American lawyer, was asked to defend the McNamara brothers. Darrow had defended several trade union leaders arrested during industrial disputes, and he had also become involved in the campaign against child labour and capital punishment. In 1906–07 Darrow successfully defended William D. Haywood, leader of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), when he was charged with murdering Frank R. Steunenberg, the former governor of Idaho. Despite his reputation for winning his cases, Darrow was reluctant to take the case because he felt the prosecution’s case against the brothers was too strong. Although many of the trade unionists believed that the brothers had been framed, Darrow discovered that the police did have a considerable amount of evidence that they could use against the two men. Darrow felt sure that the brothers would be found guilty and executed and for this reason he convinced the brothers to change their plea to guilty. After much discussion the McNamara brothers agreed to admit their guilt in exchange for a prison sentence.
Their guilty pleas were entered before the selection of the jury selection was complete. John, the older brother, was sentenced to 15 years in prison, while James, who had actually planted the bomb, was sentenced to life. Some of the brothers’ supporters in the trade unions claimed to be shocked by their confessions and were vastly disappointed that Darrow had not performed with his usual enthusiasm, although he did, in fact, save the men from execution, which was his prime concern.
R EPERCUSSIONS
The McNamara case lead to heavy losses and declines in membership for all Los Angeles unions. Labour union efforts to turn Los Angeles into a union town in the early part of the 20th century failed miserably. The AFL was seriously hurt by the public backlash and received strong criticism for supporting the McNamara brothers. The public felt justified in their criticism for not only had the brothers taken 21 lives when they blew up the Times building, but they had also been
The police were sure that the bombings were the work of one specific group, and Otis himself blamed organized labour and dubbed it ‘The Crime of the Century’. Organized labour retaliated by blaming Otis, asking, ‘Are his own hands clean?’ The President of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) denied any participation by their union in the tragedy, arguing that urban terrorism would actually do labour’s cause more harm than good.
William J. Burns, a famous detective, was hired to make a full investigation. Going on a hunch, Burns was led to the International Association of Bridge and Structural Iron Workers (BSIW), which was located in Indianapolis, Indiana. Suspecting the union’s secretary, John J. McNamara, Burns set up a trap in a Detroit hotel on April 12, 1912. His ploy worked and he arrested McNamara, his brother James, and another accomplice by the name of Ortie McManigal. In a suitcase owned by McManigal, Burns had discovered guns and six lock mechanisms, which were similar to the type used in the Los Angeles bombing. McManigal became the key witness and Burns succeeded in personally turning him against the McNamara brothers. Burns had McManigal secretly transported to Chicago, where he confessed that he had been hired by John McNamara to plant dynamite at dozens of anti-union work sites around the country, and that the Times bombing was the work of John’s brother, James. The brothers were subsequently arrested and charged with murdering the 21 workers at the Los Angeles Times.
This sparked off an outrage as many people believed that it was just another attempt at damaging the reputation of the trade union movement, which was starting to gain strength. Clarence Darrow, an eminent American lawyer, was asked to defend the McNamara brothers. Darrow had defended several trade union leaders arrested during industrial disputes, and he had also become involved in the campaign against child labour and capital punishment. In 1906–07 Darrow successfully defended William D. Haywood, leader of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), when he was charged with murdering Frank R. Steunenberg, the former governor of Idaho. Despite his reputation for winning his cases, Darrow was reluctant to take the case because he felt the prosecution’s case against the brothers was too strong. Although many of the trade unionists believed that the brothers had been framed, Darrow discovered that the police did have a considerable amount of evidence that they could use against the two men. Darrow felt sure that the brothers would be found guilty and executed and for this reason he convinced the brothers to change their plea to guilty. After much discussion the McNamara brothers agreed to admit their guilt in exchange for a prison sentence.
Their guilty pleas were entered before the selection of the jury selection was complete. John, the older brother, was sentenced to 15 years in prison, while James, who had actually planted the bomb, was sentenced to life. Some of the brothers’ supporters in the trade unions claimed to be shocked by their confessions and were vastly disappointed that Darrow had not performed with his usual enthusiasm, although he did, in fact, save the men from execution, which was his prime concern.
R EPERCUSSIONS
The McNamara case lead to heavy losses and declines in membership for all Los Angeles unions. Labour union efforts to turn Los Angeles into a union town in the early part of the 20th century failed miserably. The AFL was seriously hurt by the public backlash and received strong criticism for supporting the McNamara brothers. The public felt justified in their criticism for not only had the brothers taken 21 lives when they blew up the Times building, but they had also been
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